Introduction:

   This essay will respond to a patrol of the Kerowagi Patrol Post area in 1954, the subject matter of which is contained within a corresponding patrol report. The patrol in question took place between 9 and 18 December 1954 and was led by Patrol Officer John A. Gauci. The patrol visited the Eastern Highlands area of New Guinea. The route traversed south-west from the patrol post in Kerowagi, crossing the rivers Ga and Waghi and following along the foothills of the Kubor range before returning to the post. The Officer’s primary intent was census revision and routine administration, the likes of which included the management of local disputes identified generally as “trespassing pigs, divorce, and debts”.[1] The Officer engaged primarily with the Kumai, Iuri, Enduga, and Bandi peoples, all of which inhabited the Chimbu sub-district within the geographical radius of the patrol. 

   Via the census, Gauci cites the local Indigenous population as 8137.[2] This figure alludes to a later discussion in the report, in which the possibility of future land shortage is promulgated by both Gauci and his superior, District Officer Ian Downs. The population density referred to in the report is consistent with the broader censuses taken in 1954, in which K.E. Read records there were “only a little over five acres of land per head in the Chimbu region”.[3] The Indigenous peoples encountered in the report subsist off the land. Gauci writes that “their life centres essentially round their gardens, pigs, and fowls”.[4] They are, as Read labels Highlanders generally: “agriculturalists”.[5]

   There is no violence explicitly discussed in the report; however, allusions are made to past conflict. Gauci writes: “The general native affairs situation is satisfactory”[6] at the time of the patrol, portraying the colonial-Indigenous relationship as one of relative harmony; however he mentions that, in the past, “much fighting occurred in this area”.[7] The portrayal of Indigenous passivity throughout the report implies a level of government control over the area, the qualifying agent of which, August Kituai writes, is the lack of violence or incidents between government patrols and villagers.[8] The presence of Luluais amidst the visited communities, moreover, indicates that the localities are under a secure level of administrative control.[9] The recording of the “Natives’ [agreeable][10] attitudes towards the Administration”[11] reflects this level of government control as well as the governmental endeavours of localized pacification. Paula Brown identifies colonial pacification as the consequence of the cessation of local tribal warfare and the subjugation of resistance to government control.[12] The absence of both these determinants in the report thus affirms a portrayal of the encountered peoples as both pacified and controlled within the colonial system.

   Subtle emphasis is placed on the colonial framework of labour recruitment. This fixation is reflective of the post-1950 rush of Indigenous Highlanders as a major source of labour for Papua New Guinea’s coastal plantations.[13] Gauci makes note of local sentiments relating to coastal labour, many of which are negative.[14] This short commentary is consolidated by District Commissioner Downs’ additional comments, in which the importance of Indigenous labour and local morale is reinstated.[15] In reference to this, Gauci’s census includes figures on “male labour potential”, the likes of which had increased from the year prior.[16]

   The report also engages with concerns over education. The area’s educational facilities are run by the Catholic Mission of the Divine Word. Gauci writes: “Attendance at these schools is low so also is the standard”.[17] The focus on the progression of both the attendance and quality of local education reflects the colonial perception of schooling as a “crucial civilizing institution” imperative in the formation of “moral and productive citizens”.[18]

   As such, the report reveals much of the colonial ‘gaze’[19] and the work typical of colonial actors in the “rendering [of] both land and people legible to the colonial state”.[20]

Discussion:

   The implication of past violence is worth examining within the context of colonial-Indigenous relations. The initial allusion to violence refers to inter-tribal warfare and is reflective of the colonial perception of Highlands history, that “before the coming of the whites, the peoples of New Guinea lived uneasily together in a state of intermittent warfare”.[21] As such, the distance established in the report between “former strife” and present “voluntary cooperation”[22] suggests a mutual understanding between Gauci and his superior of the necessity of colonial force in peacekeeping.

   In spite of the government’s general policy of violence only “in cases of necessity when all other means have failed”,[23] Patrol Officers on the colonial frontier were known to adopt the “naked power” strategy, in which violence was the primary means by which to pacify warring tribes and assert their dominance.[24] The rationalisation for this, Kituai writes, “[was] that the newly contacted people only understood force”.[25] 

   Many accounts of early colonial-Indigenous encounters portray the villagers’ reaction to the colonial presence as one of hostility.[26] As such, it is reasonable to assume that some level of force was exerted not merely to pacify inter-tribal relations as implied in the report, but to also establish colonial authority amongst local communities. Brown writes that it is these early encounters that were responsible, to an extent, for the enduring pacification and “acceptance of mission and government intervention” amongst the Indigenous peoples of the Highlands.[27] Reflective of this statement, Gauci writes that “[Indigenous] cooperation arises essentially from an appreciation of prevailing law and order”.[28] It is thus highly possible, given the portrayal of Indigenous passivity within the report, that the use of force, or “one sharp lesson”,[29] was implicit within the early colonial encounter in the area for which Gauci’s report is concerned. 

   The patrol report suggests an understanding of this colonial authority over the villagers. Gauci writes:

A clamorous and colourful welcome awaited the Patrol at each and every Rest House. Food offered us to say the least was plentiful and varied. No trouble at all was experienced in obtaining carriers, rather they volunteered readily.[30]

   Gauci’s understanding of his relationship with the Indigenous population appears to be very much replicative of the popular depiction of the kiap as a “multi-powered boss” in Highlands rhetoric.[31] Moreover, the inclusion of villagers within the process of colonial administration, detailed in the above extract, encapsulates a common feature of colonial rule in the Highlands in which those who had been brought under control were enlisted in the extension of control to others and thus made implicit in the expansion of colonial power.[32] The provision of food and a “colourful welcome”[33] may be considered more discreet expressions of colonial involvement, however the active participation in Gauci’s patrol as carriers, “volunteer[ing] readily”[34] as they supposedly did, reproduces the active nature of many Indigenous peoples within the colonization process.[35] Here, both Gauci and carrier, ruler and ruled, operate mutually reliant roles within the “colonial sociological theater”.[36] 

   From the Indigenous perspective, however, these encounters can be understood more as opportunistic endeavours than examples of submission to the colonial system. Patrol Officers controlled trade by distributing wealth amongst villagers.[37] As such, many Highlanders viewed government officials as a source of capitalistic advancement. A.N. Beasley describes this outlook within the Fore community of the Okapa District, writing: “villagers supplied food from their gardens to feed the patrol line and were paid with shells and salt”,[38] the former of which performed as a sought-after commodity and form of currency in the Highlands from the 1930s onwards.[39] The Okapa District being located also in the Eastern Highlands,[40] it is plausible that these practices were reproduced with similar motivations in the Kerowagi area. The general enthusiasm that Gauci records in his patrol, then, can be justifiably interpreted as an instance of mutual gain, in which Gauci reaffirms his status as “boss”[41] and the villagers acquire goods such as steel, cloth, and shells in return.[42] The ‘gap’ in the report, where the acknowledgement of a provision of goods may have fit, exemplifies what Laura-Ann Stoler terms “colonial common sense”,[43] in that its occurrence is expected by both Gauci and his superiors and is thus deemed unnecessary to recognize formally. 

   Similarly, Gauci’s depiction of villagers volunteering for carrier duties can be interpreted within the framework of self-interest. Kituai suggests that instances of compliance demonstrate villagers’ efforts to repurpose the colonial system as a means to increase their own social stature and destroy their tribal enemies by directing government officials against them.[44] Gauci’s commentary on inter-tribal disputes and the allusions made to past and enduring tensions between neighbouring tribes deems this interpretation plausible, at least. 

   The discussion of coastal labour in the report reflects the colonial understanding of the Indigenous people as an explicitly profitable resource. In 1950, the Highlands Labour Scheme was introduced:[45] a system of contract labour that mobilized Indigenous men to work primarily as plantation labourers on the coast.[46] Within this scheme, plantation owners or agents were not permitted to recruit in the Highlands; rather, government officers were entrusted to inform villagers of the opportunities for work and to direct them towards government stations where initiation and transport would occur.[47] As such, it is likely that one of Gauci’s duties as Patrol Officer was to manage, broadly, the flow of labour recruits both leaving to and returning from the coast. Supportive of this thesis is Gauci’s recording of time spent questioning returning labourers on their coastal experience and the calculation of “male labour potential”[48] in his census statistics. These instances suggest an active involvement in the labour-recruitment process.

   The primary hindrance to the mobilization of recruits, Gauci suggests, is the threat of sickness or death whilst on the coast, adding: “Those giving such a reason invariably lost relatives in this way”.[49] These comments allude to the high susceptibility of Highlanders to coastal diseases;[50] however, to which diseases the implied deaths can be attributed to is unclear. Whilst the Yaws skin disease was endemic to coastal areas, it is most likely that labourers had access to treatment given the post-1950s penicillin campaign that drastically improved survival rates from the affliction.[51] Given the recorded number of deaths of hospital patients within the timeframe of the report, Highland labourer deaths via illness can most likely be attributed to either pneumonia, malaria, or tuberculosis.[52] 

   The importance of the health of labour recruits is mutually understood between both Gauci and Downs. Gauci’s concern with the villagers’ dispositions towards coastal labour is echoed by the District Officer, who writes:

The death of one labourer whilst employed on the coast means not merely the loss of one labour unit, but the loss of fifteen to twenty potential recruits … I believe that this fact cannot be stressed too much to employers.[53]

   There appears to be here a definitive understanding between both government officials of the importance of the Indigenous peoples as an instrument within the colonial mechanism of exploitation and profit, particularly in the postwar years in which plantation owners pushed for the rehabilitation of their estates.[54] The report’s discussion of coastal labour is thus reflective of the workings of the colonial administration in that it essentially equates the Indigenous population to units of profit. It demonstrates a classification of the colonial subject under the pervasive colonial gaze. 

   As such, and in spite of its dismissal as merely a “routine patrol”,[55] the patrol report in question maintains its value as an historical instrument by which researchers can better understand localized perspectives of the colonial experience in the New Guinea Highlands.

Summary:

The patrol report focusses explicitly on the listed purposes of census revision and routine administration, having been conducted by Patrol Officer John A. Gauci. The report is deemed entirely routine and successful in its aims. Report includes diary entries of Officer Gauci over the course of the patrol. These detail the gathering of census statistics and management of Indigenous affairs. Report states that revised census figures revealed a 1.3 percent population increase. Census statistics include a note on male labour potential, the likes of which had increased since the census recorded the year prior. Report identifies Indigenous affairs as satisfactory and unnoteworthy; Officer records village officials’ job performance as adequate. Report identifies minor dissent within local populations regarding coastal labour and disease on the coast. Brief commentary is provided regarding agricultural concerns and soil erosion, the responsibility of which is attributed primarily to Indigenous draining practices. The report states that all educational facilities are centralised under the local mission: the Catholic Mission of the Divine Word. The report deems both the quality of education and the attendance levels in these facilities unsatisfactory. Brief commentary is made regarding the potential construction of a bridge across the Waghi river to improve travel between the areas of Minj and Kundiawa. Otherwise, local infrastructure is recorded as being in agreeable condition.

Keywords: Census; Agriculture; Infrastructure; Education; Missions; Health; Recruitment; Diseases.

Bibliography:

• Ballard, C., ‘Explorers & co. in interior New Guinea, 1872-1928,’ in T. Shellam et al. eds., Brokers and boundaries: colonial exploration in Indigenous territories, ANU Press, 2016, JSTOR [online database], pp.185-212, accessed 26 September 2020.
• Beasley, A.N., ‘Frontier Journeys. Fore Experiences on the “Kuru” Patrols,’ Oceania [online journal], Volume 79, Issue 1, 2009, pp.34-52, JSTOR [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.
• Berndt, R.M., ‘Reactions to Contact in the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea,’ Oceania [online journal], Volume 24, Issue 3, 1954, pp.190-228, JSTOR [online database], accessed 24 September 2020.
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• Campbell, I.C., ‘Anthropology and the Professionalization of Colonial Administration in Papua and New Guinea,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 33, Issue 1, 1998, pp.69-90, JSTOR [online database], accessed 24 September 2020.
• Cohn, B.S., Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India, Princeton University Press, N.J., 1996, ACLS Humanities [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.
• Dwyer, P.D. & Minnegal, M., ‘On Reading Patrol Reports – 1: South of the Blucher Range,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 55, Issue 1, 2020, pp.115-125, Taylor & Francis [online database], accessed 22 September 2020.
• Gauci, J.A., Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of Papua New Guinea, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1, Accession no. 496, https://library.ucsd.edu/dc/object/bb68621172 (accessed 21 Sep. 2020).
• Kituai, A., ‘Deaths on the Mountain: An Account of Police Violence in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea,’ in R. Borofsky ed., Remembrance of Pacific Pasts: An Invitation to Remake History, University of Hawai’i Press, 2000, JSTOR [online database], pp.212-230, accessed 26 September 2020. 
• Kituai, A., ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 23, Issue 2, 1988, pp.156-166, JSTOR [online database], accessed 22 September 2020.
• Kituai, A., My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, University of Hawai’i Press, 1998, JSTOR [online database], accessed 22 September 2020.
• Leahy, M., ‘The Central Highlands of New Guinea,’ The Geographical Journal [online journal], Volume 87, Issue 3, 1936, pp.229-260, JSTOR [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.
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• Nelson, H., Taim Bilong Masta: The Australian Involvement with Papua New Guinea, Australian Broadcasting Commission, Sydney, 1982.
• Ogborn, M., ‘Archive,’ in J. Agnew & D.N. Livingstone eds., The SAGE Handbook of Geographical Knowledge, SAGE Publications, 2011, EBSCO: ebook collection [online database], pp.88-98, accessed 23 September 2020.
• Read, K.E., ‘Cultures of the Central Highlands, New Guinea,’ Southwestern Journal of Anthropology [online journal], Volume 10, Issue 1, 1954, pp.1-43, JSTOR [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.
• Riseman, N., Defending Whose Country?: Indigenous Soldiers in the Pacific War, University of Nebraska Press, 2012, JSTOR [online database], accessed 24 September 2020.
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• Sinclair, J.P., ‘Patrolling in the restricted areas of Papua and New Guinea,’ Australian Journal of International Affairs [online journal], Volume 8, Issue 3, 1954, pp.129-145, Taylor & Francis [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.
• Sinclair, J.P., The Middle Kingdom: A Colonial History of the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, Crawford House Publishing Australia, 2016.
• Stoler, A.L., Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense, Princeton University Press, N.J., 2008, ProQuest Ebook Central [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.
• Turner, A., Historical Dictionary of Papua New Guinea, 2nd edn, Scarecrow Press, London, 2001.
• Ward, R.G., ‘Contract Labor Recruitment from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, 1950-1974,’ The International Migration Review [online journal], Volume 24, Issue 2, 1990, pp.273-296, JSTOR [online database], accessed 26 September 2020.
• Watson, J.B., ‘Introduction: Anthropology in the New Guinea Highlands,’ American Anthropologist [online journal], Volume 66, Issue 4, 1964, pp.1-19. JSTOR [online database], accessed 25 September 2020.
• Yeates, A., ‘The Patrol Officers and Tom Kabu: Power and Prestige in the Purari Delta,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 40, Issue 1, 2005, pp.71-90, JSTOR [online database], accessed 26 September 2020.

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[1] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of Papua New Guinea (hereinafter National Archives of PNG), Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1, Accession no. 496, https://library.ucsd.edu/dc/object/bb68621172 (accessed 21 Sep. 2020).

[2] ibid.

[3] K.E. Read, ‘Cultures of the Central Highlands, New Guinea,’ Southwestern Journal of Anthropology [online journal], Volume 10, Issue 1, 1954, p.3, JSTOR [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.

[4] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[5] K.E. Read, ‘Cultures of the Central Highlands, New Guinea,’ 1954, p.7.

[6] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[7] ibid.

[8] A. Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 23, Issue 2, 1988, p.158, JSTOR [online database], accessed 22 September 2020.

[9] J.P. Sinclair, ‘Patrolling in the restricted areas of Papua and New Guinea,’ Australian Journal of International Affairs [online journal], Volume 8, Issue 3, 1954, p.145, Taylor & Francis [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.

[10] Terms in ‘[ ]’ are my own alterations of citations.

[11] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[12] P. Brown, ‘Colonial New Guinea: The Historical Context,’ in N. McPherson ed., In Colonial New Guinea: Anthropological Perspectives, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001, EBSCOhost [online database], p.22, accessed 23 September 2020.

[13] R.G. Ward, ‘Contract Labor Recruitment from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, 1950-1974,’ The International Migration Review [online journal], Volume 24, Issue 2, 1990, p.276, JSTOR [online database], accessed 26 September 2020.

[14] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[15] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[16] ibid.

[17] ibid.

[18] B.S. Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India, Princeton University Press, N.J., 1996, ACLS Humanities [online database], p.3, accessed 23 September 2020.

[19] Terms in single quotation marks are utilized in this essay to emphasize the included terms and not to indicate any textual quotation.

[20] P.D. Dwyer & M. Minnegal, ‘On Reading Patrol Reports – 1: South of the Blucher Range,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 55, Issue 1, 2020, p.116, Taylor & Francis [online database], accessed 22 September 2020.

[21] J.P. Sinclair, ‘Patrolling in the restricted areas of Papua and New Guinea,’ 1954, p.136.

[22] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[23] H. Murray cited in D.D.S. & N.A. Circular Instruction of 1^st December, 1947 – No. 8-47/48, “Firing on Native People”, cited in J.P. Sinclair, ‘Patrolling in the restricted areas of Papua and New Guinea,’ 1954, pp. 129-130.

[24] A. Kituai, My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, University of Hawai’i Press, 1998, JSTOR [online database], p.39, accessed 22 September 2020.

[25] A. Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea,’ 1988, p.158.

[26] P. Brown, ‘Colonial New Guinea: The Historical Context,’ 2001, p.21.

[27] ibid.

[28] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[29] A. Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea,’ 1988, p.158.

[30] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[31] A. Kituai, My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, 1998, p.19.

[32] J.B. Watson, ‘Introduction: Anthropology in the New Guinea Highlands,’ American Anthropologist [online journal], Volume 66, Issue 4, 1964, p.6, JSTOR [online database], accessed 25 September 2020.

[33] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[34] ibid.

[35] A. Kituai, My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, 1998, p.34.

[36] B.S. Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India, 1996, p.10.

[37] A. Kituai, My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, 1998, p.37.

[38] A.N. Beasley, ‘Frontier Journeys. Fore Experiences on the “Kuru” Patrols,’ Oceania [online journal], Volume 79, Issue 1, 2009, p.38, JSTOR [online database], accessed 23 September 2020.

[39] A. Kituai, My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, 1998, p.37.

[40] A.N. Beasley, ‘Frontier Journeys. Fore Experiences on the “Kuru” Patrols,’ 2009, p.36.

[41] A. Kituai, My Gun, My Brother: The World of the Papua New Guinea Colonial Police, 1920-1960, 1998, p.19.

[42] P. Brown, ‘Colonial New Guinea: The Historical Context,’ 2001, p.21.

[43] A.L. Stoler, Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense, Princeton University Press, N.J., 2008, ProQuest Ebook Central [online database], p.15, accessed 23 September 2020.

[44] A. Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea,’ 1988, p.165.

[45] A. Turner, Historical Dictionary of Papua New Guinea, 2nd edn, Scarecrow Press, London, 2001, p.25.

[46] R.G. Ward, ‘Contract Labor Recruitment from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, 1950-1974,’ 1990, p.273.

[47] ibid., pp.281-282.

[48] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[49] ibid.

[50] J.P. Sinclair, ‘Patrolling in the restricted areas of Papua and New Guinea,’ 1954, p.141.

[51] R. Scragg, ‘Science and Survival in Paradise,’ Health and History [online journal], Volume 12, Issue 2, 2010, p.72, JSTOR [online database], accessed 24 September 2020.

[52] H. Nelson, ‘Kuru: The Pursuit of the Prize and the Cure,’ The Journal of Pacific History [online journal], Volume 31, Issue 2, 1996, p.180, JSTOR [online database], accessed 24 September 2020.

[53] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.

[54] R.G. Ward, ‘Contract Labor Recruitment from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, 1950-1974,’ 1990, p.279.

[55] J.A. Gauci, Kerowagi Patrol no. 1 of 1954/55, 9 Dec. – 18 Dec. 1954, National Archives of PNG, Patrol Reports, Chimbu District, Kerowagi Patrol Post, 1954-55, Vol. 1.