Making History Module Essay by Nicholas Reynolds

Australia’s governance over Papua and New Guinea was that of an Incongruous Empire – one whose own relations to power fluctuated drastically depending on a motley assortment of factors. Indeed Australia’s rule was often fiscal and apathetic, subjecting Indigenous Papua New Guinean citizens to sub-human treatment under problematic power imbalances fuelled by Anglocentric concepts of race, identity and nationalism.[1] Indeed too were the people of Papua New Guinea a strong and self-agented people that eventually rid themselves of their colonial watchdogs in favour of independence and nationhood.[2] These oft-polarised factors paint an accurate vision of the contradictory nature of Australia’s colonial rule in Papua New Guinea – one so conflicting that the very use of the word ‘colonial’ spurs debate amongst historians that choose to argue its nature as a territory.[3] Utilising a comprehensive Australian report written by E. D. Wren on a patrol of the Trans-Hegigio region in the South-Eastern Highlands which focused on the ‘consolidation of government influence’, this paper will seek to highlight the often contradictory nature of Australia’s colonial power-relations in Papua New Guinea.[4] Firstly, the nature of Australia’s economic and industrial rule as the colonial power in Papua and New Guinea will be explored. Furthermore, the paper shall dissect the often fluid homosexuality experienced by colonists and Papua New Guineans alike. Finally, the paper shall explore the strength and agency of the Indigenous people as established through trade and social relations. Ultimately, it will be seen how these often juxtaposing facets of Australia’s colonial rule certainly paint it as the Incongruous Empire. 

The 1953 Trans-Hegigio Highlands report gifts a fascinating insight into the extent of administrative powers in the region.[5] Firstly, it is important to restate the intention of the patrol as the ‘consolidation of government influence’.[6] While primary among the objectives was the desire to ‘establish friendly relations’ with the Indigenous people of the region, the report’s objectives also list a myriad of infrastructure projects.[7] These projects, in the eyes of the administrative powers, were pivotal in the consolidation of government influence within the region.[8] Through building projects Australia was able to establish a physical presence in Papua and New Guinea – an objective of particular importance within the often difficult-to-access Highlands region.[9] Amongst these projects, one of the strongest ways to assert colonial presence was through the creation of airfields.[10] Airfields have as much to do with colonial infrastructure and control as the patrols themselves – the introduction of aviation means furthering not simply Australian presence, but also strengthening avenues of trade and accessibility.[11] The report highlights the intersectionality between these objectives when asserting that locating an ‘airstrip site central to the whole TransHegigio population’ was a pivotal objective in consolidating government influence.[12] On page 17 of the report there is even a presentation of the power held by air-based trade within the region in a documented discussion with two Sonia men about a matter of their people having  supposedly ‘run away’ from an APC airdrop, discovering that they were ‘frightened’ of the colonial powers due to a local trade disagreement – giving a fascinating insight into the way in which airdrops represented to the people a colonial presence, even when the white men themselves were far from the scene.[13] Of course the patrol also mentions several other construction projects, such as the building of roads, bridges and communal houses necessary to be undertaken by the Australian forces.[14] The establishment of these sorts of projects and facilities are important not only to assert a colonial presence in otherwise difficult reaches, but also to establish basic infrastructure to make easier outreach and maintain relations with the Indigenous populations.[15]

Another aspect of Australia as an Incongruous Empire may be studied under the light of hidden-butexistent homosexuality. Indeed according to Dr Christine Stewart, homosexuality ‘has a long but largely concealed history in PNG’ wherein traditional Indigenous beliefs, Anglo-homosexuality and the introduction of alien systems of colonialism all played a fascinating role.[16] While the patrol report makes no direct references to ‘buggery’ or ‘sodomy’, there is a particular focus of note on the matter. The Ialu people (an extended family-group comprising of multiple villages and clans across the foot of Mount Sisi – evidently the Southern portion) had garnered a degree of ‘patrol interest’ worthy of complaint by surrounding clans who felt their afforded attention in some way unfair.[17] The initial point of making contact with the group fell under the policy ‘to see that no group whose country was passed through was left uncontacted’.[18] Though spoken about with a certain familiarity, the group is referenced as having been uncontacted.[19] Once contacted, the Ialu people raise to quite some significance as a family group. Despite residing in a landlocked area trapped between moreaccessible villages and the precipitous regions of Mount Sisi, they do become a central focus – a group assumedly having not much wealth in the way of trade any more accessible than their neighbours.[20] Wren makes note that the contacted groups made a large deal over ‘what they could offer in return’ for colonial trade goods such as ‘axes, knives and cloth’.[21] Yet despite their resources of trade being highlighted numerous times, there is minimal reference to what form the Ialu’s goods take. 

In the coastal areas of Papua New Guinea, the plantations and other trade-related industry sites often acted as well-documented grounds of homosexuality.[22] Acting as zones halfway between traditional Indigenous queerness, subversive colonial homosexuality, and ‘situational homosexuality’ (wherein distance from women often meant men could resort to homosexual encounters for needs of sexual activity) these more urbanised locations often bare a paper trail of homosexuality commonly archived within the legal records of colonial administration.[23] Examples include homosexual prostitution by sex workers such as Suine Wel, or the infamous ‘Biscuit Boy’ trade which saw powerful, predatory men exchange sexual favours with boys in transaction for imported biscuits.[24] These sorts of relations highlight the homosexuality present in areas of tradeinduced power imbalances. Yet very often in these historical discussions not enough light is shone upon Indigenous homosexuality – queer historical works such as Noah Riceman’s ‘Pride in

Defence’ often only tackling the Anglicised vision of queer identity of the colonial inhabitants.[25] There are innumerable anthropological studies which explore the traditional Indigenous homosexuality of Papuan and New Guineans.[26] One such example of traditional homosexuality brings us back to Mount Sisi, where the Etoro people resided.[27]

Possibly the most well-documented homosexual group of Indigenous Papuans, the Etoro people’s location at the Southern foot of Mount Sisi brings us geographically close with the studied Ialu people as contacted in Wren’s report.[28] Though the Ialu people have no documented cases of homosexual traditions, their Western isolation and proximity to the Etoro people may, when crossexamined with an against-the-grain reading of the report, provide at least suggestions of existent homosexuality. According to linguist Bill Palmer, the family-systems of Papua New Guinean language groups show us a people not divided, but instead fluidly developmental across the boundaries of family groups – with traditions not always rapidly changing, but instead often shared until lost in farther reaches.[29] In this way, the close proximity of the Ialu and Etoro people may be evidence to regional homosexual practises. In synthesising our knowledge about both the capability for colonial trade environments to bring about homosexual relations and the existence of traditional homosexuality within the region, we may look towards the exchange of colonial goods for the vaguely described and never-fully-documented ‘what they could offer in return’ as evidence of the existence of homosexual relations.[30] It is not a wild conclusion to draw that such sexual transactions may also provide an insight into the complaint of surrounding family groups about particular ‘patrol interest’ in the Ialu people.[31] Such interactions would never been properly documented given their illegality, and the implicit vagueness of the transactions are quite suspicious in comparison to the otherwise extraordinarily in-depth patrol report.[32] Wren certainly didn’t shy away from documenting other cultural taboos such as cannibalism or sorcery in other places in his report, so it is indeed strange that in a region which we contemporarily acknowledge as one with traditional homosexuality there is not a single reference.[33]

Furthermore, the isolationist and homosocial environments of colonial patrol officers may have also attracted particular interest from homosexual Australian men – surely the offer of spending long periods of time in far-flung reaches away from the newly-appointed Queen’s gaze with male compatriots may have proved enticing to some, akin to the attraction which drew many homosexual men to the army.[34] That is certainly not to say that all patrol officers were homosexual, but instead to show that it was possible for homosexuality to thrive in such colonial environments.

Furthermore, the long periods of time away from women may have also driven heterosexual men to situational homosexuality – perhaps experiences which contemporary queer scholars may refer to as heteroflexibility.[35] In this way, it is not ridiculous to surmise that what the Ialu people ‘could offer in return’ may have not been an offer shied away from by colonial patrolmen.[36] In this way, we may see the contradictions of the Incongruous Empire through a study of homosexual relations in Papua and New Guinea.

Finally, it would be remiss to conclude the essay without making acknowledgement to the

Indigenous agency outlined within Wren’s 1953 patrol report. Such discussions of colonialism often resort to painting the Indigenous populations as mindless savages or helpless colonial victims, but the descriptions of the Indigenous people visited by Wren and his team paint an image of strong governing bodies that assuredly maintained amicable relationships with the colonial authorities.[37] Indeed, Wren makes sure to outline that conflicts between patrolmen and Indigenous populations

‘only cause[…] more trouble than [they are] worth’ – in this way, proving himself open to amicable lines of dialogue with the local people.[38] Many of the visited clans were industrious in their trade and economic strategy, making strong utilisation of the visiting Patrol Party – trading goods, hosting feasts and balancing diplomatic measures.[39] There is also a certain sense Indigenous enterprise alluded to by Wren when recounting that ‘it is difficult to escape from any village without buying at least one pig’.[40] Furthermore, a sense of Indigenous agency is undoubtedly shown through Webb’s description of certain local leaders he encountered on his patrol – perhaps the most interesting of which was in the first Ialu group that the patrol encountered. Herein, Webb mentions that the ‘most influential man present’ had dwarfism.[41] While no more is said of the matter, it can be assumed that the reference to the man as ‘a dwarf’ can be taken at face-value. While it is a term sometimes used to denote Indigenous people that are shorter than the average Englishman, this man is specifically identified for his height – insinuated to be shorter than those he is with.[42] It is both intriguing and deeply heartening to see mention of an individual with a disability not only holding a standing position within the community, but holding a position as the most important member present.[43] It is especially fascinating to compare this to the average ableism of Australia or England, wherein a person with physical-divergencies such as dwarfism was often ridiculed and discriminated against. Certainly this speaks to the individualism of Indigenous people of the Highland region who, through less contact, were afforded far more agency as capable individuals – foiled against the more urbanised coastal populations that were often subjected to discriminatory colonial rule.

Ultimately, when utilising this Patrol Report as a historical document through which to asses Australia’s often contradictory colonial relations of power, it can be seen how groups that were afforded more agency proved to be the most successful aspects of Australia’s rule. In studying Australia’s colonial economics and infrastructure, the presence of homosexuality within and outside of colonial presence, and finally investigating the agency of Papuan and New Guinean Highlanders, we can conclude that more focus on amicable trading based on equity and equality may have dissuaded Australia’s position as the Incongruous Empire.

Bibliography:

  • GeoNames, ‘Papua New Guinea’, Geonames (n.d.), http://www.geonames.org/2092368/libanoriver.html, accessed 14 October 2021.
  • Knauft, B. M., ‘What ever happened to ritualised homosexuality? Modern sexual subjects in

Melanesia and elsewhere’, Annual Review of Sex Research, 14 (2003), 137-159

  • May, R. J., Policy making and implementation : studies from Papua New Guinea, (Acton,

Australian National University E Press, 2009), 131-132

  • O’Brien, P., ‘Remaking Australia’s Colonial Culture?: White Australia and its Papuan Frontier 1901-1940.’, Australian Historical Studies, 40/1 (2009), 96-112, DOI:

10.1080/10314610802663043

  • Palmer, B., The Languages and Linguistics of the New Guinea Area : A Comprehensive Guide (Berlin, De Gruyter Mouton, 2017).
  • Riseman, N., Pride in Defense (Melbourne University Press, 2020).
  • Stewart, C., ‘Men Behaving Badly: Sodomy Cases in the Colonial Courts of Papua New Guinea’,

The Journal of Pacific History, 43/1 (2008), 77-93, DOI: 10.1080/00223340802054693

  • Walker C., ‘A source of much confusion: Applying Western geographical concepts to distant lands isn’t always a straightforward pursuit, as Charlie Walker discovered during a quest to locate the remote, unmapped source of Papua New Guinea’s longest river’, Geographical, 93/2 (2021), 56
  • Ward, J., Not Gay : Sex Between Straight White Men (New York, New York University Press, 2015).
  • Wren, E. D., ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11 of 1952/53, 23 Jun.-18 Aug. 1953’, National Archives and Public Records Services of Papua New Guinea, Patrol Reports, Southern Highlands District, Lake Kutubu Station, 1952-1953, vol. 4, https://library.ucsd.edu/dc/object/bb2390916g, accessed 18 Sep. 2021, 291-351

[1] P. O’Brien, ‘Remaking Australia’s Colonial Culture?: White Australia and its Papuan Frontier 1901-1940.’, Australian Historical Studies, 40/1 (2009), 98, DOI: 10.1080/10314610802663043

[2] R. J. May, Policy making and implementation : studies from Papua New Guinea, (Acton, Australian National

University E Press, 2009), 131-132

[3] O’Brien, ‘Remaking Australia’s Colonial Culture?’, 99

[4] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 291

[5] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 291-292

[6] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 291

[7] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 330-332

[8] O’Brien, ‘Remaking Australia’s Colonial Culture?’, 99

[9] O’Brien, ‘Remaking Australia’s Colonial Culture?’, 101

[10] C. Walker, ‘A source of much confusion: Applying Western geographical concepts to distant lands isn’t always a straightforward pursuit, as Charlie Walker discovered during a quest to locate the remote, unmapped source of Papua New Guinea’s longest river’, Geographical, 93/2 (2021), 56

[11] Walker, ‘A source of much confusion’, 56

[12] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 332

[13] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 308

[14] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 293-294

[15] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 332

[16] C. Stewart, ‘Men Behaving Badly: Sodomy Cases in the Colonial Courts of Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 43/1 (2008), 82, DOI: 10.1080/00223340802054693

[17] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 312

[18] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 332

[19] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337-340

[20] GeoNames, ‘Papua New Guinea’, Geonames (n.d.), http://www.geonames.org/2092368/libano-river.html, accessed 14 October 2021.

[21] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 332

[22] Stewart, ‘Men Behaving Badly’, 82-83

[23] Stewart, ‘Men Behaving Badly’, 83-84

[24] Stewart, ‘Men Behaving Badly’, 83-84

[25] N. Riseman, Pride in Defense (Melbourne University Press, 2020), 14

[26] B. M. Knauft, ‘What ever happened to ritualised homosexuality? Modern sexual subjects in Melanesia and elsewhere’, Annual Review of Sex Research, 14 (2003), 137

[27] Knauft, ‘What ever happened to ritualised homosexuality?’, 142

[28]  Knauft, ‘What ever happened to ritualised homosexuality?’, 142 ; Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337-340

[29] B. Palmer, The Languages and Linguistics of the New Guinea Area : A Comprehensive Guide (Berlin, De Gruyter Mouton, 2017), 4-6

[30] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337

[31] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 312

[32] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337

[33] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 335

[34] Riseman, Pride in Defense, 14

[35] J. Ward, Not Gay : Sex Between Straight White Men (New York, New York University Press, 2015), 9-10

[36] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337

[37] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337

[38] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 330-332

[39] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 302

[40] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 337

[41] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 320

[42] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 320

[43] Wren, ‘Trans-Hegigio Report no. 11’, 320

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