In June and July of 1951, Patrol Officer (Kiap)[1] S.S. Smith undertook a patrol to the Southern Highlands; specifically, the Mendi Valley. He was accompanied by two Europeans, 10 Indigenous police officers and an average of 40 Indigenous carriers (including translators).[2] The patrol lasted 15 days, with an un-reported rest in between of 5 days. Starting in Wabaga, it stopped halfway in the Mendi Valley and then continued to Lake Kutubu. It had two primary objectives, one being to assess the area for local relations and potential government expansion and the other being to bring much needed translators to Lake Kutubu Patrol Post which was an essential waypoint for other patrols[3]. During this patrol, Smith encountered first contact situations, previous villages, new topographical destinations, instances of tribal warfare and unique ceremonial displays. What was most interesting about this patrol was the use of language Smith used when writing about the daily trades; the observation undertaken in the description of numerous ceremonial grounds and how he interacted and engaged with locals within the Southern Highlands. The patrol report itself is long and includes many details and historical skills, which Smith acknowledges. It gives a unique perspective where we are able to gauge both the patrol/governmental perspectives and the indigenous too.
An event that occurred daily was trading with the local groups nearby. On the surface these trades were a means of survival. Obtaining food daily meant they would require less carriers to haul supplies and meant they were able to form relations with locals in order to maintain safety of self. But if you look at how Smith reports the trading, it appears to be more of a forced opportunity to gain insights into the demographics of the local area. Whether intentional or not, Smith creates a census of the local people by describing their numbers, gender and behaviour. The type of information being recorded could be considered part of the enumerative technique; formed by Cohn and implemented by the British government.[4] Which would then allow the government to gain an understanding of the people in this district and potentially manipulate or take advantage of them to suit political needs. The trades were also an opportunity to assert individual power. Smith demonstrated gun power, unprovoked and did not describe why nor the reactions around. It however, could then be assumed that this display of power frightened the locals as they would understand that this new form of weaponry would be able to decimate much easier than their current ones (which is potentially Smith’s goal). Another assertion of power would be Smith setting trade prices and delegating trade products based on his wants and needs. Rumours were said to have spread locally about the wealth and power of white man[5] and with the knowledge that coastal travel from the highlands was rare and strange[6]; Smith would have been able to be forceful and assertive in his demands of trade. In his eyes, it would have potentially been an establishment of power and hierarchy of white man. But from the eyes of the locals, it may have been much more negative. Mendi inhabitants used trades as a means of establishing bonds and security of self; if they were unable to successfully trade appropriately, then their network would be incomplete and they could fear missing out on merchandise or fear the lack of establishment of relations. [7] Meaning, although the trades may have not been fair, they would have still traded due to fear of missing out. However, in terms of first contact trades; the locals were ‘suspicious’ and ‘anxious’ when trading with Smith. They did not trade to Smith’s demands and often requested ‘high’ prices. This description suggests that the locals, although aware of white man’s reputation; were not yet fearful or comprehensive of the importance of trading with the patrols and were more careful to trade and would have most likely been extremely observant for future instances. Smith’s avoidance for detail for first contact trades and constant descriptions of ‘friendly’, suggests that he did not want to give the appearance of resistance for government forces; more so that it was an area of required improvement.
Another frequent occurrence Smith documented was the presence and rough geographical location of ceremonial grounds. He did not describe in detail what they looked like, but did describe the name; which demonstrated the use of historical skills of observation and museological identification[8]. This was most likely done to alert the government to areas of religious/cosmological significance, to either maximise political authority or to minimise cultural disruption. It was known in the area that when patrols were able to appropriately name geographical and cultural sites, they were treated with respect and thought to be returning ancestors.[9] Being able to manipulate and use this indigenous belief would have allowed patrols such as Smiths to take advantage of the situations and assert their objectives. What was interesting about the constant descriptions of the ceremonial grounds was the patrol’s careless attitude about their cultural significance. It may have been intentional, to assert power. But the patrol seldom asked for permission to camp at the ceremonial grounds and always trespassed across them. Locals often watched nearby when the patrol camped or even crossed the grounds. Only occasionally approaching. It is hard to assume what the local’s thoughts were about the white men who were accompanied by other ‘natives’, but it could have been in awe; or fear. The carriers could have been from opposing clans of the ceremonial grounds; which may have caused anger amongst the locals[10]. But because they were accompanied by white men with their guns and other-worldy appearance, there would have been minimal dispute if offense did occur[11]. Fear of police could have also been another perspective of the locals who witnessed the patrols amongst the ceremonial grounds. Police were of good physique, differently dressed and considered to behave abnormally in comparison to untouched indigenous[12]. Could this have meant that the observing locals thought the white men did not fear repercussions of their actions; and that the white men had abilities to greatly alter the original nature of the Papua New Guineans? The attitude taken by Smith in regards to the ceremonial grounds could have hindered potential political relations with new contacts; but it is unknown to what extent his actions affected issues as he does not describe the behaviour or responses that occurred from observing locals.
During the patrol Smith also engaged with the locals in seemingly appropriate ways. Besides the trading interactions and noninteractions from random encounters; there was the assistance from a local guide who was able to help with the changing dialects and topographical fatigue. He was very careful to use the word “volunteering” when discussing local and carrier assistance. This was in reference to the Native Labour Ordinance of 1946 which did not allow highland ‘natives’ to be employed by the government; only on a volunteer basis.[13] Knowing this, Smith made no attempt to discuss what he had promised in return for the help, but the locals still helped. Could the locals have been misinformed and manipulated to assist due to allusions or language miscommunication? Potentially, but most likely the locals had helped out of their own interest to go and see the wealth that was described of white man. Although Smith did not describe reactions and perspectives, what he described of his local guide and the guide’s discussions, suggests more about the perspective than initially visible. The guide describes tribal warfare, ceremonial practices in relation to war, when pre-contact locals are close and even describes death caused indirectly by white man from remnants of a World War 2 bomb. The constant inquiries and observations that Smith employed showed that Smith (and by extension the Government) needed local assistance to help assert himself into the region more efficiently. Gaining in depth local information will help the pacification of the district[14] as well as give the government access to better understandings of the population through a historiographic context.[15] Not only do the descriptions provide more opportunity for Smith’s perspective, they also provide a chance to understand the indigenous. The guide answers promptly and is eager to demonstrate to Smith the hard work done by locals in building bridges, clearing lands and creating rest houses for the patrol. The eagerness could be suggesting the relationship that locals have with white man; a wanting to please and not disappoint. What needs to be asked here is if the not wanting to disappoint would be in relation to fear of missing out from the patrols (similarly with trading), or fear of what would occur if they disobeyed expectations set out by them[16]? The guide also gives reference to the presence of uncontacted locals nearby, how they observe and linger. This could show the apprehension occurring from locals when unsure of how to contact. It was considered that strangers were suspected to steal women and goods[17]; could the apprehension be an interpretation of similar thoughts against white man? The interaction between the guide and Smith is not definitive in perspectives and only provides glimpses and possibilities; but leaves much to interpretation.
Although there is a lot of information in the patrol report, the significant information that gives opportunity to encounter both the indigenous and colonial perspective is from the occurrences of trade, traversing ceremonial grounds and interactions when concerning locals. Nothing can be definitive from the report as the indigenous mindset was often ignored during initial contact and pacification. But what can be ascertained from this report is that the indigenous population were not always so easy to pacify and that their behaviours were often apprehensive and challenging to the patrols. Smith’s behaviour is on par with the role he had to portray as a government official and his minimal knowledge of the indigenous population was important for him to be able to set boundaries. His disregard for the perspectives of the indigenous was potentially because of government requirements; but his language and choice of events documented suggests that he may have been aware of more than he let on in regards to his observations of locals and their attitudes.
Bibliography
Brown, P. ‘No Dialogue: Premises and Confrontations in Intercultural Encounter, Papua New Guinea’. American Anthropologist, 92/2 (1990), 468-474
Cohn, BS. Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996)
Kituai, A. ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 23/2 (1988), 156-166
Lederman, R. ‘Contested Order: Gender and Society in the Southern New Guinea Highlands’ American Ethnologist, 16/2 (1989), 230-247
Schieffelin, E.L & Kurita, H. ‘The Phantom Patrol: Reconciling Native Narratives and Colonial Documents in Reconstructing the History of Exploration in Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 23/1 (1988), 52-69
Schieffelin, E.L. ‘Early Contact as Drama and Manipulation in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea: Pacification as the Structure of Conjuncture’ Cambridge University Press, 37/3 (1995),555-580
Smith, S.S, Mendi Patrol no.1 of 1950/51, 26Jun.-16Jul. 1951, National Archives of Papua New Guinea, Patrol Reports. Southern Highlands District, Mendi, 1951-1953, Accession 496. (Accessed 7th Sept. 2021)
Ward, R.G., ‘Contract Labor Recruitment from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, 1950-1974’, SAGE, New York, 24/2 (1990), 273-296
Watson, J.B. ‘Introduction: Anthropology in The New Guinea Highlands’. American Anthropologist, 66/4 (1964), 1-19
[1] A.Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 23/2 (1988), 158
[2] S.S. Smith, Mendi Patrol no.1 of 1950/51, 26Jun.-16Jul. 1951, National Archives of Papua New Guinea, Patrol Reports. Southern Highlands District, Mendi, 1951-1953, Accession 496. (Accessed 7th Sept. 2021)
[3] E.L. Schieffelin. ‘Early Contact as Drama and Manipulation in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea: Pacification as the Structure of Conjuncture’ Cambridge University Press, 37/3 (1995), 565
[4] BS. Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 8
[5] E.L. Schieffelin. ‘Early Contact as Drama and Manipulation in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea: Pacification as the Structure of Conjuncture’ Cambridge University Press, 37/3 (1995), 564
[6] J.B. Watson, ‘Introduction: Anthropology in The New Guinea Highlands’. American Anthropologist, 66/4 (1964), 2
[7] R. Lederman, ‘Contested Order: Gender and Society in the Southern New Guinea Highlands’ American Ethnologist, 16/2 (1989), 233
[8] BS. Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 9
[9] E.L. Schieffelin & H. Kurita, ‘The Phantom Patrol: Reconciling Native Narratives and Colonial Documents in Reconstructing the History of Exploration in Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 23/1 (1988), 54
[10] E.L. Schieffelin. ‘Early Contact as Drama and Manipulation in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea: Pacification as the Structure of Conjuncture’ Cambridge University Press, 37/3 (1995), 568
[11] P. Brown. ‘No Dialogue: Premises and Confrontations in Intercultural Encounter, Papua New Guinea’. American Anthropologist, 92/2 (1990), 468
[12] A.Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 23/2 (1988), 159
[13] R.G. Ward, ‘Contract Labor Recruitment from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, 1950-1974’, SAGE, New York, 24/2 (1990), 279
[14] E.L. Schieffelin. ‘Early Contact as Drama and Manipulation in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea: Pacification as the Structure of Conjuncture’ Cambridge University Press, 37/3 (1995), 553
[15] BS. Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 6
[16] A.Kituai, ‘Innovation and Intrusion: Villagers and Policemen in Papua New Guinea’, The Journal of Pacific History, 23/2 (1988), 159
[17] P. Brown. ‘No Dialogue: Premises and Confrontations in Intercultural Encounter, Papua New Guinea’. American Anthropologist, 92/2 (1990), 469