The patrol report of Officer William McGrath is a valuable resource for understanding the early stages of Australian colonialism in the Southern Highland of Papua New Guinea. The report contains the documentation derived from the officer’s two patrols in 1955. The purpose of the patrol was to familiarise Officer McGrath with the Southern Highlands near the Erave river and perform other duties for the Australian Administration such as a census, health checks of local populations and surveying the land for a potential road.
The first patrol recorded in the diary occurred on the 27th of October and lasted until the 17th of November, 1955. The patrol included a census of the Fore Valley area. From the Fore Valley, the officer continued west in canoes down the Kakoma River then the Mubi River to Lake Kutubu. The officer brought food and rested at the villages along the way. The patrol returned to the Fore Valley via the same route. The second patrol began on the 16th of December at the Erave Government Station and finished on the 28th of December, 1955. From the government station, the officer travelled north to the Kare Valley, crossed the Sugu river to Arivial, the patrol continued north until it arrive at Ialibu and then went south to Iogore, Lumireba and then back to the Kare Valley and the Erave station.
The argument of a powerful Australian governing presence in the southern hinterlands at the time of patrol is supported by the activities the officer was able to perform while on duty. The main activities undertaken in these patrols are census taking, medical checks of villagers, evaluate the potential for cash crops, familiarising the author with the land[1] and surveying land for a potential motor road route[2]. The diary also discusses the alienation of land for economic development in the Fore and Kare valleys[3]. The lack of satisfactory means of communication[4] and the need for roads suggests that the area patrolled are at the early stages of economic development, to a western standard.
The diary documents the procedures of the census in the Fore Valley such as informing the reader of the notice given to the Fore Valley people a week before the census[5]. After the census, a medical check was conducted and an inspection of the houses and gardens was performed. The procedural element of these patrols seemed to imply that the local populations of the Fore Valley were accustomed to the routine and the Australian Administration had greater control than other areas of the Southern Highlands.
According to the diary, incidences of physical violence were non-existent however the diary documents a moment of resistance to Australian colonial control in the Kare Valley. The incident involved a confrontation between the patrol and people from the Kare Valley at Fore Creek. The bridge across the creek was removed and the author describes how the local people explicitly told the patrol to leave. The patrol officer took a diplomatic approach and attempted to explain the patrol’s peaceful mission. The patrol was eventually able to proceed safely[6]. Further on in the diary, the author states that the Kare and Sugu Valleys have only recently come under direct Administration influence[7] which could explain the contrast with the Fore Valley.
There are many enlightening aspects to this report with regards to understanding the early stages of colonialism. The proposed motor road route and the lack of roads indicate the stage of development at the time of the report. The road also would be a symbol of colonial control and a signifier of the government’s intention to develop the area[8]. Other important aspects of this report include the health concerns documented in the report. Yaws is identified as a problem from the Lower Iaro and Tiburu River areas[9]. In addition, the author documents the presence of a mysterious illness which he believes is scrub typhus. The sickness had infected patrol personnel and villagers in the Fore Valley but was effectively treated with Chloromycetin[10].
The passing of British colonialism of Papua to Australia began with the Papua Act of 1905[11], Hubert Murray became lieutenant governor of Papua who had a humanitarian and philanthropic perspective of colonial rule[12]. The workings of the Australian colonial administration of the 1950s are demonstrated through the actions of its officer. The Administration’s goal for its patrols, censuses and economic development would increase its control over the Southern Highland. The patrol report demonstrates a desire for the Administration to transform the local economy into one more suitable to European ideals. Typically, the highland communities exhibited a needs-based economy, which produced as much food as required and distributed through kinship groups and required small yields of food[13]. The report’s discussions of establishing larger gardens, production of cash crops and exchange of trade items, such as beads, for food. These economic changes would have been transformative and disruptive to the local community’s way of life[14]. It would also be a change that would require dependence on the Administration for trade. The proposed motor road would have a similar effect, with the paid labour for building the road being sourced from the local community[15].
The patrols, as well as the information gathered through the patrol officers’ diaries, were a means of achieving the goals of cementing and extending the Administration’s influence. These activities demonstrate what Cohn described as investigative modalities. These modalities gather information to maintaining control for colonial governments[16]. The Information of this report is produced through observation, surveillance, surveying and enumeration. The information would aid the Administration in making decisions for the southern highlands[17] and allowed the administration to qualify and quantify those it governed[18].
The diary itself servers as a tool of observational modality as it is an expression of what the author sees and provides his interpretation of events which are filtered through the author’s socio-political perspective[19]. In addition, the report produces information through surveillance to control undesirable practices[20] such as the improper disposal of human remains however not to the extent of criminalising behaviours. The author identifies the problem with corpses being in close proximity to houses and bodies being thrown into the Erave river. The author explains that these practices are being discouraged[21]’. Surveys of the area are also performed[22] and has resulted in the production of a map with a proposed route for a motor road[23]. The author has also surveyed the village garden for enlargement and growth of cash crops such as coffee[24]. Enumerative modalities of information gathering are documented with the Fore Valley census[25]. The census quantifies villagers by their sex, labour potential, age, death, migration, pregnancy and number of children[26]. The author also highlights some of the limitations of the census because of migration[27] and hunting[28]. These investigative modalities are examples of how colonial governments use the information to achieve their goals and maintain control.
One of the main objects of the patrol report was to inform the government of improvements and potential improvements to the patrolled areas. Improvements such as building roads, planting cash crops and establishing larger gardens with European vegetables. As well as improve conditions for the local people through medical aid and law enforcement. These perspectives are reflected in the actions and behaviours of its agents such as Patrol Officer McGrath. The officer’s attitudes are exemplified by the incident at the Fore Creek where he explains to the Kare Valley people the peaceful purpose of the patrol[29]. Later, the diary outlines the subjects of discussion with the native people which included the aims of the Administration, the reasons for laws and the benefits of peaceful living[30]. This is attitude is further demonstrated by some of the author’s statements, for example when discussing the situation in the Fore Valley, the officer writes: “Most [Fore Valley] villagers realize the advantages of having the Administration in their area[31]”. The officer’s diplomatic behaviour and description of the discussion with the native people, suggests that the author shares the Administration’s paternalistic goal for developing the area. It is a shared belief between the officer and government, that the presence of the Administration is beneficial to the people of the Southern Highlands.
There are some elements of the author taking for granted the positive aspects of Australian colonialism with his documented discussions with the native people. These aspects of the document require the reader to make some assumptions regarding what was said by the officer and how well it was received. The most notable example in this report is the previously mentions Kare Valley incident, the writer states that he informed the local people of the peaceful intentions of the Administration and that a ‘considerable number of natives were present[32]’. It is implied that the listeners accepted the explanation since there is no indication of them rejected it. There are also gaps in the information regarding the behaviour of the Probationer Native Medical Orderly (N.M.O.). The author states that the N.M.O. had shown little interest in his job and that he wanted to leave. The reason the N.M.O. remained with the patrol was because of threats of dismissal[33]. The report does not go into detail about why the N.M.O. wanted to leave.
The autobiography of Papua New Guinean leader Albert Maori Kiki can provide insight into issues faced by N.M.Os, as well as highlight some of the thought processes that may have occurred. During his time as a N.M.O, Albert Maori Kiki describes his interaction with the person who hired him, the medical assistant wanted to train other Papua New Guineans like Albert so that they could be the future of the country and Papua New Guinea would be able to govern itself[34]. Patrol Officer McGrathexhibits similar sentiments to that of the medical assistant concerning improvements. The patrol officers may see their role as one of nation-building through the enforcement of colonial rule. However, from the Papua New Guinean’s perspective, they may have not seen Papua New Guinea as a country, their kinship and loyalty would have been with their family and village[35]. In addition, the perceived acceptance of the officer’s message may have been a result of the officer’s observable power[36], particularly when he is seen in command of 9 policemen, 21 carriers and one N.M.O. In another part of the diary, the officer states that talks with natives involved demonstration of firearms[37]. Either actual or perceived threat of force could have muted any opposition to the officer’s message[38].
The N.M.O. apathy for his position could have also resulted from issues similar to what Albert Maori Kiki experience while a N.M.O. This included pressure from family to return home. With Albert’s loyalty to his kinship groups and being away from his family caused him to be unhappy. The misaligned goals of the Police Officer and N.M.O, as well as pressures from kinship relationships, could explain why the N.M.O wanted to leave[39], the coercion to stay would have likely not helped.
The duties performed by patrol officer William A. McGrath in his role as a patrol officer, reveal how the Southern Highlands were governed under Australian colonialism. By looking at the gaps, a reader of William McGrath’s report can develop an idea of what patrol officers took for granted such as the willing acceptance of colonial rule. It is also taken for granted that it is within a patrol officer’s power to make big changes to the lives of the Southern Highland people. The patrol officer takes steps to develop the highlands such as surveys for a potential road, the encouragement for larger gardens with European vegetables and cash crops, as well as talks with local populations on the benefits of living under Australia’s Administration. These were steps in developing the Southern Highlands into a land that is more compatible with the Western world and more useful to the Administration.
Summary
The report produced by patrol officer William A. McGrath contains the details of his two patrols of the Southern Highlands near the Erave river. The first patrol was conducted on the 27th of October and ended on the 17th of November 1955. The patrol officer’s diary documents his trek westward from the Fore Valley to Lake Kutubu and his return via the same route. The second patrol began on the 16th of December and finished 28th of December, 1955. The diary documents the officer’s journey from the Erave Government Station to the north at Ialibu before returning south.
The purpose of these patrols was to familiarise the author with the patrolled areas and identify a possible route for a road between Erave Government Station and Ialibu. The officer also performed other governmental duties such as conducting a census, facilitating the administration of medical care and surveying villages. The report contains details of medical issues such as an unidentified illness believed to be scrub typhus. Yaws is also identified as a problem in the area. Overall it’s a report that helps gain insight into the early stages of colonial rule in the Southern Highlands.
Keywords; Gardens; Health; Hygiene; Rites and ceremonies; Canoes; Inspection; Census; Land surveys; Topography; Diseases; Economic development.
Bibliography
Anas, M ‘The highlands of Australian New Guinea’, Geographical Review, 50/4 (1960), 467-490, https://doi-org.ezproxy-f.deakin.edu.au/10.2307/212305
Brown, P., ‘Colonial New Guinea: The historical context’, in N.M. McPherson, ed., In Colonial New Guinea: Anthropological Perspectives (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press), 15-26.
Cohn, B., Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
Kiki, A., Kiki: ten thousand years in a lifetime: a New Guinea autobiography (London: Pall Mall Press, 1968).
Kituai, A., My gun, my brother: The world of the Papua New Guinea colonial police, 920-1960 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998).
McGrath, W.A., Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 27 Oct.-28 Dec. 1955, National Archives of Papua New Guinea, Patrol Report, Southern Highlands District, Erave Station, 1954-1956, vol.2, https://library.ucsd.edu/dc/object/bb37219806
[1] W.A. McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 27 Oct.-28 Dec. 1955, National Archives of Papua New Guinea, Patrol Report, Southern Highlands District, Erave Station, 1954-1956, vol.2, https://library.ucsd.edu/dc/object/bb37219806, 90.
[2] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 91.
[3] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 101.
[4] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 101.
[5] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 91.
[6] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 95.
[7] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 104.
[8] M. Anas, ‘The highlands of Australian New Guinea’, Geographical Review, 50/4 (1960), 482, https://doi-org.ezproxy-f.deakin.edu.au/10.2307/212305
[9] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 104.
[10] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 104.
[11] P. Brown, ‘Colonial New Guinea: The historical context’, in N.M. McPherson, ed., In Colonial New Guinea: Anthropological Perspectives (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press), 18.
[12] Brown, ‘Colonial New Guinea: The historical context’, 18.
[13] Anas, ‘The highlands of Australian New Guinea’, 486.
[14] A. Kituai, My gun, my brother: The world of the Papua New Guinea colonial police, 1920-1960 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998), 37.
[15] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 101.
[16] B. Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 5.
[17] Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: the British in India, 5.
[18] Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: the British in India, 4.
[19] Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: the British in India, 7.
[20] Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: the British in India, 10.
[21] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 100.
[22] Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: the British in India, 7.
[23] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 107-108.
[24] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 102.
[25] Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India, 8.
[26] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 106.
[27] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 103.
[28] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 92.
[29] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 95.
[30] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 100.
[31] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 99
[32] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 99.
[33] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 104.
[34] A. Kiki, Kiki: ten thousand years in a lifetime: a New Guinea autobiography (London: Pall Mall Press, 1968), 66.
[35] Kiki, Kiki: ten thousand years in a lifetime: a New Guinea autobiography, 66.
[36] Kituai, My gun, my brother: The world of the Papua New Guinea colonial police, 1920-1960, 39.
[37] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 100.
[38] Kituai, My gun, my brother: The world of the Papua New Guinea colonial police, 920-1960, 39.
[39] McGrath, Erave Patrol no.1 of 1955/56, 104.